2 lcd monitors in the front meaning made in china

Earlier this spring, LG CEO (CEO) Han Xiangfan smashed an LCD (liquid crystal display) in front of 1000 employees. From that moment on, LG has made up its mind that it can"t keep the LCD to bring to LG. Now, it is time to reform!

According to a report by Reuters on September 13, LG Display is currently in a difficult position. Just a year ago, LG also took the lead in TV and smartphones with this LCD display. However, in 2018, LG clearly underestimated the market situation. In the face of Chinese competitors" pursuit, the LCD panel price dropped sharply in early 2018. LG changed from last year"s profitability to this year"s serious loss. This makes LG start. Not expected.

LG"s revenue is mainly created by LCD monitors. Before the iPhone X, Apple"s iPhone has always been an LCD screen, which means that Apple has been a big customer of LG"s LCD panel, but with Apple"s launch of OLED iPhone. In addition, the "blocking" of China"s BOE LCD panel suppliers has caused LG to lose the name of the number one supplier of LCD displays over 9 inches. According to IHS Markit, as of January 2017, BOE LCD monitor shipments accounted for 22.3% of total LCD shipments, surpassing 21.6% of LG displays. This is the first time that Chinese display manufacturers have won the first place.Although LG ate a big loss in front of the LCD, but LG also began to realize the crisis, began to develop OLED (organic light-emitting diode), OLED display does not require backlight, can present more natural colors, less power, can Folding, the screen of the iPhone X is the folded OLED screen, but the OLED screen is too expensive, which is also recognized.

According to reports, LG currently puts all its prices on OLEDs. LG said the company can raise $17.6 billion in the next three years to invest in OLED business. In addition, LG is optimistic about the prospects of OLED. LG predicts that by 2020, the revenue generated by OLED will reach 40%.

At present, LG can"t find a better way out than OLED. An LG executive also said: "OLED is the answer and solution to our crisis, so in addition to tightening the belt and pushing the OLED. Besides, there is no other way."

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Flat-panel displays are thin panels of glass or plastic used for electronically displaying text, images, or video. Liquid crystal displays (LCD), OLED (organic light emitting diode) and microLED displays are not quite the same; since LCD uses a liquid crystal that reacts to an electric current blocking light or allowing it to pass through the panel, whereas OLED/microLED displays consist of electroluminescent organic/inorganic materials that generate light when a current is passed through the material. LCD, OLED and microLED displays are driven using LTPS, IGZO, LTPO, and A-Si TFT transistor technologies as their backplane using ITO to supply current to the transistors and in turn to the liquid crystal or electroluminescent material. Segment and passive OLED and LCD displays do not use a backplane but use indium tin oxide (ITO), a transparent conductive material, to pass current to the electroluminescent material or liquid crystal. In LCDs, there is an even layer of liquid crystal throughout the panel whereas an OLED display has the electroluminescent material only where it is meant to light up. OLEDs, LCDs and microLEDs can be made flexible and transparent, but LCDs require a backlight because they cannot emit light on their own like OLEDs and microLEDs.

Liquid-crystal display (or LCD) is a thin, flat panel used for electronically displaying information such as text, images, and moving pictures. They are usually made of glass but they can also be made out of plastic. Some manufacturers make transparent LCD panels and special sequential color segment LCDs that have higher than usual refresh rates and an RGB backlight. The backlight is synchronized with the display so that the colors will show up as needed. The list of LCD manufacturers:

Organic light emitting diode (or OLED displays) is a thin, flat panel made of glass or plastic used for electronically displaying information such as text, images, and moving pictures. OLED panels can also take the shape of a light panel, where red, green and blue light emitting materials are stacked to create a white light panel. OLED displays can also be made transparent and/or flexible and these transparent panels are available on the market and are widely used in smartphones with under-display optical fingerprint sensors. LCD and OLED displays are available in different shapes, the most prominent of which is a circular display, which is used in smartwatches. The list of OLED display manufacturers:

MicroLED displays is an emerging flat-panel display technology consisting of arrays of microscopic LEDs forming the individual pixel elements. Like OLED, microLED offers infinite contrast ratio, but unlike OLED, microLED is immune to screen burn-in, and consumes less power while having higher light output, as it uses LEDs instead of organic electroluminescent materials, The list of MicroLED display manufacturers:

Sony produces and sells commercial MicroLED displays called CLEDIS (Crystal-LED Integrated Displays, also called Canvas-LED) in small quantities.video walls.

LCDs are made in a glass substrate. For OLED, the substrate can also be plastic. The size of the substrates are specified in generations, with each generation using a larger substrate. For example, a 4th generation substrate is larger in size than a 3rd generation substrate. A larger substrate allows for more panels to be cut from a single substrate, or for larger panels to be made, akin to increasing wafer sizes in the semiconductor industry.

2015, sold to giantplus and tce photomasks, gen 3 still operated by giantplus, gen 4 line sold to giantplus, equipment sold and line demolished, remainder operated by tce

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A folding screen, also known as pingfeng (simplified Chinese: 屏风; traditional Chinese: 屏風; pinyin: píngfēng), is a type of free-standing furniture consisting of several frames or panels, which are often connected by hinges or by other means. They have practical and decorative uses, and can be made in a variety of designs with different kinds of materials. Folding screens originated from ancient China, eventually spreading to the rest of East Asia, and were popular amongst Europeans.

A Chinese Coromandel screen is seen in the oil painting Chopin (1873) by Albert von Keller. Typically for this kind of folding screen, the front has a detailed scene, while the back usually has a simple floral theme.

A folding screen was often decorated with beautiful art; major themes included mythology, scenes of palace life, and nature. It is often associated with intrigue and romance in Chinese literature, for example, a young lady in love could take a curious peek hidden from behind a folding screen.Cao Xueqin.Tang literature.Li He (790–816) wrote the "Song of the Screen" (屛風曲), describing a folding screen of a newly-wed couple.China pink flowers (an allusion to lovers), and had silver hinges resembling glass coins.

Folding screens were originally made from wooden panels and painted on lacquered surfaces, eventually folding screens made from paper or silk became popular too.antiquity, it became rapidly popular during the Tang dynasty (618–907).paintings and calligraphy on.huaping (Chinese: 畫屛; shuping (Chinese: 書屛; Song-era painter Guo Xi.lacquer techniques for the Coromandel screens, which is known as kuancai (款彩 "incised colors"), emerged during the late Ming dynasty (1368-1644)mother-of-pearl, ivory, or other materials.

The byeongpung (Korean: 병풍; "Folding screen") became significant during the period of Unified Silla (668–935).byeongpung were as decoration, as room dividers, or to block wind caused by draft from the Ondol heated floors which were common across Korea.byeongpung screens known as throne room of some Joseon kings, placed immediately behind the throne. Several examples of irworobongdo can be seen across palaces in Korea such as at Gyeongbok Palace, Changdeok Palace and Changgyeonggung.

A Japanese folding screen (or byōbu) originated from the Han Dynasty of China and is thought to have been imported to Japan in the 7th or 8th century. The oldest byōbu produced in Japan is Torige ritsujo no byōbu (鳥毛立女屏風) from the 8th century, and it is stored in Shōsōin Treasure Repository.Heian period in the 9th century, due to the development of Japan"s original Kokufū Bunka (国風文化), the designs became more indigenous and came to be used as furnishings in the architectural style of Shinden-zukuri.

The characteristic of folding screens in the Muromachi period was the spatial expression of silence, but in the Azuchi-Momoyama period, when daimyo (feudal lords) competed for supremacy, folding screens with paintings of tigers and dragons became popular.Edo period, as the economy developed, emerging merchants became patrons in the production of folding screens. In this period, the Rinpa school folding screens were popular, which were characterized by highly decorative designs using gold or silver foil, bold compositions depicting simple objects, and repeated patterns.

Folding screens were introduced in the late Middle Ages to Europe.Coco Chanel was an avid collector of Chinese folding screens and is believed to have owned 32 folding screens, of which eight were housed in her apartment at 31 rue Cambon, Paris.I"ve loved Chinese screens since I was eighteen years old. I nearly fainted with joy when, entering a Chinese shop, I saw a Coromandel for the first time. Screens were the first thing I bought.

Although folding screens originated in China, they can now be found in many interior designs throughout the world.characters in their Chinese name: ping (屛 "screen; blocking") and feng (風 "breeze, wind"). They were also used to bestow a sense of privacy; in classical times, folding screens were often placed in rooms to be used as dressing screens for ladies.

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Kim, Kumja Paik (2006). The art of Korea: Highlights from the collection of San Francisco"s Asian Art Museum. San Francisco: Asian Art Museum. p. 32. ISBN 978-0-939117-31-4.

Open Settings, tap General, then tap About. Look for the model number in the top section. If the number you see has a slash "/", that"s the part number (for example, MY3K2LL/A). Tap the part number to reveal the model number, which has a letter followed by four numbers and no slash (for example, A2342).

Model numbers: A2651 (United States, Puerto Rico), A2893 (Canada, Guam, Japan, Mexico, Saudi Arabia, and U.S. Virgin Islands), A2896 (China mainland, Hong Kong, Macao), A2895 (Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia), A2894 (other countries and regions)

Details: iPhone 14 Pro Max has a 6.7-inch1 all-screen Super Retina XDR display. The back is premium matte glass, and there"s a flat-edge stainless steel band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are three cameras on the back: Ultra Wide, Main, and Telephoto. There"s a LiDAR Scanner on the back. There"s an LED True Tone flash on the back. In the United States, there is no SIM tray. In other countries or regions, there"s a SIM tray on the left side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card.

Model numbers: A2659 (United States, Puerto Rico), A2889 (Canada, Guam, Japan, Mexico, Saudi Arabia, and U.S. Virgin Islands), A2892 (China mainland, Hong Kong, Macao), A2891 (Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia), A2890 (other countries and regions)

Details: iPhone 14 Pro has a 6.1-inch1 all-screen Super Retina XDR display. The back is premium matte glass, and there"s a flat-edge stainless steel band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are three cameras on the back: Ultra Wide, Main, and Telephoto. There"s a LiDAR Scanner on the back. There"s an LED True Tone flash on the back. In the United States, there is no SIM tray. In other countries or regions, there"s a SIM tray on the left side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card.

Model numbers: A2632 (United States, Puerto Rico), A2885 (Canada, Guam, Japan, Mexico, Saudi Arabia, and U.S. Virgin Islands), A2888 (China mainland, Hong Kong, Macao), A2887 (Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia), A2886 (other countries and regions)

Details: The iPhone 14 Plus has a 6.7 inch1 all-screen Super Retina XDR display. The back is glass, and there"s a flat-edged anodized aluminum band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are two cameras on the back: Ultra Wide and Main. In the United States, there is no SIM tray. In other countries or regions, there"s a SIM tray on the left side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card.

Model numbers: A2649 (United States, Puerto Rico), A2881 (Canada, Guam, Japan, Mexico, Saudi Arabia, and U.S. Virgin Islands), A2884 (China mainland, Hong Kong, Macao), A2883 (Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia), A2882 (other countries and regions)

Details: The iPhone 14 has a 6.1 inch1 all-screen Super Retina XDR display. The back is glass, and there"s a flat-edged anodized aluminum band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are two cameras on the back: Ultra Wide and Main. In the United States, there is no SIM tray. In other countries or regions, there"s a SIM tray on the left side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card.

Model numbers: A2595 (United States, Canada, Puerto Rico, U.S. Virgin Islands, Guam, Mexico, Saudi Arabia), A2782 (Japan), A2784 (Russia, Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan), A2785 (China), A2783 (other countries and regions)

Details: The display is 4.7 inches (diagonal). The glass front is flat with curved edges. The back is glass, and there"s an anodized aluminum band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. The device has a solid-state Home button with Touch ID. There"s a 12 MP Wide camera on the back. There"s an LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Model numbers: A2484 (United States), A2641 (Canada, Japan, Mexico, Saudi Arabia), A2644 (China mainland, Hong Kong, Macao), A2645 (Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia), A2643 (other countries and regions)

Details: iPhone 13 Pro Max has a 6.7-inch1 all-screen Super Retina XDR display with ProMotion. The back is textured matte glass, and there"s a flat-edge stainless steel band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are three 12 MP cameras on the back: Ultra Wide, Wide, and Telephoto. There"s a LiDAR Scanner on the back. There"s a Dual-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the left side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Model numbers: A2483 (United States), A2636 (Canada, Japan, Mexico, Saudi Arabia), A2639 (China mainland, Hong Kong, Macao), A2640 (Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia), A2638 (other countries and regions)

Details: iPhone 13 Pro has a 6.1-inch1 all-screen Super Retina XDR display with ProMotion. The back is textured matte glass, and there"s a flat-edge stainless steel band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are three 12 MP cameras on the back: Ultra Wide, Wide, and Telephoto. There"s a LiDAR Scanner on the back. There"s a Dual-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the left side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Model numbers: A2482 (United States), A2631 (Canada, Japan, Mexico, Saudi Arabia), A2634 (China mainland, Hong Kong, Macao), A2635 (Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia), A2633 (other countires and regions)

Details: iPhone 13 has a 6.1-inch1 all-screen Super Retina XDR display. The back is glass, and there"s a flat-edged anodized aluminum band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are two 12 MP cameras on the back: Ultra Wide and Wide. There"s a Dual-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the left side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Model numbers: A2481 (United States), A2626 (Canada, Japan, Mexico, Saudi Arabia), A2629 (China mainland), A2630 (Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia), A2628 (other countries and regions)

Details: iPhone 13 mini has a 5.4-inch1 all-screen Super Retina XDR display. The back is glass, and there"s a flat-edged anodized aluminum band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are two 12 MP cameras on the back: Ultra Wide and Wide. There"s a Dual-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the left side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: iPhone 12 Pro Max has a 6.7-inch1 all-screen Super Retina XDR display. The back is textured matte glass, and there"s a flat-edge stainless steel band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are three 12 MP cameras on the back: Ultra Wide, Wide, and Telephoto. There"s a LiDAR Scanner on the back. There"s a Dual-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the left side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: iPhone 12 Pro has a 6.1-inch1 all-screen Super Retina XDR display. The back is textured matte glass, and there"s a flat-edge stainless steel band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are three 12 MP cameras on the back: Ultra Wide, Wide, and Telephoto. There"s a LiDAR Scanner on the back. There"s a Dual-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the left side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: iPhone 12 has a 6.1-inch1 all-screen Super Retina XDR display. The back is glass, and there"s a flat-edged anodized aluminum band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are two 12 MP cameras on the back: Ultra Wide and Wide. There"s a Dual-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the left side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: iPhone 12 mini has a 5.4-inch1 all-screen Super Retina XDR display. The back is glass, and there"s a flat-edged anodized aluminum band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are two 12 MP cameras on the back: Ultra Wide and Wide. There"s a Dual-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the left side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: The display is 4.7 inches (diagonal). The glass front is flat with curved edges. The back is glass, and there"s an anodized aluminum band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. The device has a solid-state Home button with Touch ID. There"s a Quad-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: iPhone 11 Pro has a 5.8-inch1 all-screen Super Retina XDR display. The back is textured matte glass, and there"s a stainless steel band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are three 12 MP cameras on the back: Ultra Wide, Wide, and Telephoto. There"s a Dual-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: iPhone 11 Pro Max has a 6.5-inch1 all-screen Super Retina XDR display. The back is textured matte glass, and there"s a stainless steel band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are three 12 MP cameras on the back: Ultra Wide, Wide, and Telephoto. There"s a Dual-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: iPhone 11 has a 6.1-inch1 Liquid Retina display. The back is glass, and there"s an anodized aluminum band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are two 12 MP cameras on the back: Ultra Wide and Wide. There"s a Dual-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: iPhone XS has a 5.8-inch1all-screen Super Retina display. The back is glass, and there"s a stainless steel band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are 12 MP wide-angle and telephoto cameras on the back. There"s a Quad-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: iPhone XS Max has a 6.5-inch1all-screen Super Retina display. The back is glass, and there"s a stainless steel band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are 12 MP wide-angle and telephoto cameras on the back. There"s a Quad-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card.

Details: iPhone XR has a 6.1-inch1 Liquid Retina display. The back is glass, and there"s an anodized aluminum band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There is a 12 MP wide-angle camera on the back. There"s a Quad-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: iPhone X has a 5.8-inch1all-screen Super Retina display. The back is glass, and there"s a stainless steel band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. There are 12 MP wide-angle and telephoto cameras on the back. There"s a Quad-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: The display is 4.7 inches (diagonal). The glass front is flat with curved edges. The back is glass, and there"s an anodized aluminum band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. The device has a solid-state Home button with Touch ID. There"s a Quad-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: The display is 5.5 inches (diagonal). The glass front is flat with curved edges. The back is glass, and there"s an anodized aluminum band around the frame. The side button is on the right side of the device. The device has a solid-state Home button with Touch ID. There are 12 MP wide-angle and telephoto cameras on the back. There"s a Quad-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: The display is 4.7 inches (diagonal). The glass front is flat with curved edges. The back is anodized aluminum. The Sleep/Wake button is on the right side of the device. The device has a solid-state Home button with Touch ID. There"s a Quad-LEDTrue Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: The display is 5.5 inches (diagonal). The glass front is flat with curved edges. The back is anodized aluminum. The Sleep/Wake button is on the right side of the device. The device has a solid-state Home button with Touch ID. There are dual 12 MP cameras on the back. There"s a Quad-LED True Tone flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: The display is 4 inches (diagonal). The glass front is flat. The back is anodized aluminum with matte chamfered edges and a stainless steel inset logo. The Sleep/Wake button is on the top of the device. The Home button has Touch ID. There"s a True Tone LED flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the back cover.

Details: The display is 4.7 inches (diagonal). The glass front is flat with curved edges. The back is anodized aluminum with a laser-etched "S". The Sleep/Wake button is on the right side of the device. The Home button has Touch ID. There"s a True Tone LED flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: The display is 5.5 inches (diagonal). The front is flat with curved edges and is made of glass. The back is anodized aluminum with a laser-etched "S". The Sleep/Wake button is on the right side of the device. The Home button has Touch ID. There"s a True Tone LED flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the SIM tray.

Details: The display is 4.7 inches (diagonal). The front is flat with curved edges and is made of glass. The back is anodized aluminum. The Sleep/Wake button is on the right side of the device. The Home button has Touch ID. There"s a True Tone LED flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the back cover.

Details: The display is 5.5 inches (diagonal). The front has curved edges and is made of glass. The back is anodized aluminum. The Sleep/Wake button is on the right side of the device. The Home button has Touch ID. There"s a True Tone LED flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the back cover.

Details: The front is flat and made of glass. The back is anodized aluminum. The Home button contains Touch ID. There"s a True Tone LED flash on the back and a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the back cover.

Details: The front is flat and made of glass. The back is hard-coated polycarbonate (plastic). There"s a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the back cover.

Details: The front is flat and made of glass. The back is anodized aluminum. There"s a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "fourth form factor" (4FF) nano-SIM card. The IMEI is etched on the back cover.

Details: The front and back are flat and made of glass, and there"s a stainless steel band around the edges. The volume up and down buttons are marked with a "+" and "-" sign. There"s a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "third form factor" (3FF) micro-SIM card.

Details: The front and back are flat and made of glass, and there"s a stainless steel band around the edges. The volume up and down buttons are marked with a "+" and "-" sign. There"s a SIM tray on the right side that holds a "third form factor" (3FF) micro-SIM card. The CDMA model has no SIM tray.

Details: The back housing is made of plastic. The imprint on the back case is the same bright and shiny silver as the Apple logo. There"s a SIM tray on the top side that holds a "second form factor" (2FF) mini-SIM. The serial number is printed on the SIM tray.

Details: The back housing is made of plastic. The imprint on the back of the phone is less shiny than the Apple logo above it. There"s a SIM tray on the top side that holds a "second form factor" (2FF) mini-SIM. The serial number is printed on the SIM tray.

Details: The back housing is made of anodized aluminum. There"s a SIM tray on the top side that holds a "second form factor" (2FF) mini-SIM. The serial number is etched in the back case.

The display has rounded corners that follow a beautiful curved design, and these corners are within a standard rectangle. When measured as a standard rectangular shape, the screen is 5.42 inches (iPhone 12 mini), 5.85 inches (iPhone X, iPhone XS, and iPhone 11 Pro), 6.06 inches (iPhone 12 Pro, iPhone 12, iPhone 11, and iPhone XR), 6.46 inches (iPhone XS Max and iPhone 11 Pro Max), and 6.68 inches (iPhone 12 Pro Max) diagonally. Actual viewable area is less.

GUIYANG, China — On the outskirts of this city in a poor, mountainous province in southwestern China, men in hard hats recently put the finishing touches on a white building a quarter-mile long with few windows and a tall surrounding wall. There was little sign of its purpose, apart from the flags of Apple and China flying out front, side by side.

Tim Cook, Apple’s chief executive, has said the data is safe. But at the data center in Guiyang, which Apple hoped would be completed by next month, and another in the Inner Mongolia region, Apple has largely ceded control to the Chinese government.

Chinese state employees physically manage the computers. Apple abandoned the encryption technology it used elsewhere after China would not allow it. And the digital keys that unlock information on those computers are stored in the data centers they’re meant to secure.

Internal Apple documents reviewed by The New York Times, interviews with 17 current and former Apple employees and four security experts, and new filings made in a court case in the United States last week provide rare insight into the compromises Mr. Cook has made to do business in China. They offer an extensive inside look — many aspects of which have never been reported before — at how Apple has given in to escalating demands from the Chinese authorities.

Two decades ago, as Apple’s operations chief, Mr. Cook spearheaded the company’s entrance into China, a move that helped make Apple the most valuable company in the world and made him the heir apparent to Steve Jobs. Apple now assembles nearly all of its products and earns a fifth of its revenue in the China region. But just as Mr. Cook figured out how to make China work for Apple, China is making Apple work for the Chinese government.

Mr. Cook often talks about Apple’s commitment to civil libertiesand privacy. But to stay on the right side of Chinese regulators, his company has put the data of its Chinese customers at risk and has aided government censorship in the Chinese version of its App Store. After Chinese employees complained, it even dropped the “Designed by Apple in California” slogan from the backs of iPhones.

China’s leader, Xi Jinping, is increasing his demands on Western companies, and Mr. Cook has resisted those demands on a number of occasions. But he ultimately approved the plans to store customer data on Chinese servers and to aggressively censor apps, according to interviews with current and former Apple employees.

“Apple has become a cog in the censorship machine that presents a government-controlled version of the internet,” said Nicholas Bequelin, Asia director for Amnesty International, the human rights group. “If you look at the behavior of the Chinese government, you don’t see any resistance from Apple — no history of standing up for the principles that Apple claims to be so attached to.”

While both the Trump and Biden administrations have taken a tougher line toward China, Apple’s courtship of the Chinese government shows a disconnect between politicians in Washington and America’s wealthiest company.

Mr. Cook has been on a charm offensive in China, making frequent, statesmanlike visits and meeting with top leaders. On one trip in 2019, he toured the Forbidden City, met with a start-up and posted about the trip on the Chinese social platform Weibo.

Behind the scenes, Apple has constructed a bureaucracy that has become a powerful tool in China’s vast censorship operation. It proactively censors its Chinese App Store, relying on software and employees to flag and block apps that Apple managers worry could run afoul of Chinese officials, according to interviews and court documents.

A Times analysis found that tens of thousands of apps have disappeared from Apple’s Chinese App Store over the past several years, more than previously known, including foreign news outlets, gay dating services and encrypted messaging apps. It also blocked tools for organizing pro-democracy protests and skirting internet restrictions, as well as apps about the Dalai Lama.

ImagePresident Xi Jinping of China, lower left, greeting Apple’s chief executive, Tim Cook, in 2015. Mr. Cook has made frequent, statesmanlike visits to China.Credit...Associated Press

And in its data centers, Apple’s compromises have made it nearly impossible for the company to stop the Chinese government from gaining access to the emails, photos, documents, contacts and locations of millions of Chinese residents, according to the security experts and Apple engineers.

The company said in a statementthat it followed the laws in China and did everything it could to keep the data of customers safe. “We have never compromised the security of our users or their data in China or anywhere we operate,” the company said.

An Apple spokesman said that the company still controlled the keys that protect the data of its Chinese customers and that Apple used its most advanced encryption technology in China — more advanced than what it used in other countries.

Apple added that it removed apps only to comply with Chinese laws. “These decisions are not always easy, and we may not agree with the laws that shape them,” the company said. “But our priority remains creating the best user experience without violating the rules we are obligated to follow.”

Mr. Cook declined an interview for this article. In public appearances, he has said that while he often disagrees with China’s laws, the world is better off with Apple in China.

“Your choice is: Do you participate? Or do you stand on the sideline and yell at how things should be?” he said at a conference in China in 2017. “My own view very strongly is: You show up and you participate. You get in the arena, because nothing ever changes from the sideline.”

In 2014, Apple hired Doug Guthrie, the departing dean of the George Washington University business school, to help the company navigate China, a country he had spent decades studying.

One of his first research projects was Apple’s Chinese supply chain, which involved millions of workers, thousands of plants and hundreds of suppliers. The Chinese government made that operation possible by spending billions of dollars to pave roads, recruit workers, and construct factories, power plants and employee housing.

Mr. Guthrie concluded that no other country could offer the scale, skills, infrastructure and government assistance that Apple required. Chinese workers assemble nearly every iPhone, iPad and Mac. Apple brings in $55 billion a year from the region, far more than any other American company makes in China.

ImageApple hired Doug Guthrie in 2014 to help the company navigate China. At the time, the country was starting to pass laws that gave the government greater leverage over Apple.Credit...Erin Kirkland for The New York Times

The Chinese government was starting to pass laws that gave the country greater leverage over Apple, and Mr. Guthrie said he believed Mr. Xi would soon start seeking concessions. Apple, he realized, had no Plan B.

“For Chinese authorities, this is no longer about, ‘How much money are you pouring into China?’ This is about, ‘What are you giving back?’” Mr. Guthrie said.

Mr. Guthrie delivered his warning to Mr. Cook’s top deputies, including Phil Schiller, a longtime marketing chief; Eddy Cue, head of internet software and services; Lisa Jackson, the company’s government affairs chief; and Jeff Williams, its operations chief, who is widely viewed as Mr. Cook’s right-hand man.

As Mr. Guthrie was delivering his warnings, Apple set about keeping the Chinese government happy. Part of that effort was new research and development centers in China. But those R&D centers complicated Apple’s image as a California company. At a summit for its new Chinese engineers and designers, Apple showed a video that ended with a phrase that Apple had been inscribing on the backs of iPhones for years: “Designed by Apple in California.”

The Chinese employees were angered, according to Mr. Guthrie and another person in the room. If the products were designed in California, they shouted, then what were they doing in China?

It was bad news for Apple, which had staked its reputation on keeping customers’ data safe. While Apple regularly responded to court orders for access to customer data, Mr. Cook hadrebuffed the F.B.I. after it demanded Apple’s help breaking into an iPhone belonging to a terrorist involved in the killing of 14 people in San Bernardino, Calif. Now the Chinese government had an even broader request.

Apple’s iCloud service allows customers to store some of their most sensitive data — things like personal contacts, photos and emails — in the company’s data centers. The service can back up everything stored on an iPhone or Mac computer, and can reveal the current location of a user’s Apple devices. Most of that data for Chinese customers was stored on servers outside China.

Apple’s China team warned Mr. Cook that China could shut down iCloud in the country if it did not comply with the new cybersecurity law. So Mr. Cook agreed to move the personal data of his Chinese customers to the servers of a Chinese state-owned company. That led to a project known inside Apple as “Golden Gate.”

Apple encrypts customers’ private data in its iCloud service. But for most of that information, Apple also has the digital keys to unlock that encryption.

The location of the keys to the data of Chinese customers was a sticking point in talks between Apple and Chinese officials, two people close to the deliberations said. Apple wanted to keep them in the United States; the Chinese officials wanted them in China.

The cybersecurity law went into effect in June 2017. In an initial agreement between Apple and Chinese officials, the location of the keys was left intentionally vague, one person said.

But eight months later, the encryption keys were headed to China. That surprised at least two Apple executives who worked on the initial negotiations and who said the move could jeopardize customers’ data. It is unclear what led to the change.

Documents reviewed by The Times do not show that the Chinese government has gained access to the data. They only indicate that Apple has made compromises that make it easier for the government to do so.

The Chinese government regularly demands data from Chinese companies, often for law-enforcement investigations. Chinese law requires the companies to comply.

U.S. law has long prohibited American companies from turning over data to Chinese law enforcement. But Apple and the Chinese government have made an unusual arrangement to get around American laws.

In China, Apple has ceded legal ownership of its customers’ data to Guizhou-Cloud Big Data, or GCBD, a company owned by the government of Guizhou Province, whose capital is Guiyang. Apple recently required its Chinese customers to accept new iCloud terms and conditions that list GCBD as the service provider and Apple as “an additional party.” Apple told customers the change was to “improve iCloud services in China mainland and comply with Chinese regulations.”

The terms and conditions included a new provision that does not appear in other countries: “Apple and GCBD will have access to all data that you store on this service” and can share that data “between each other under applicable law.”

Under the new setup, Chinese authorities ask GCBD — not Apple — for Apple customers’ data, Apple said. Apple believes that gives it a legal shield from American law, according to a person who helped create the arrangement. GCBD declined to answer questions about its Apple partnership.

In the three years before China’s cybersecurity law went into effect, Apple never provided the contents of a user’s iCloud account to the Chinese authorities and challenged 42 Chinese government requests for such data, according to statistics released by the company. Apple said it challenged those requests because they were illegal under U.S. law.

In the three years after the law kicked in, Apple said it provided the contents of an undisclosed number of iCloud accounts to the government in nine cases and challenged just three government requests.

ImageAn extensive complex of apartments and town homes is being built across the street from Apple’s data center in Guiyang.Credit...Keith Bradsher/The New York Times

Apple still appears to provide far more data to U.S. law enforcement. Over that same period, from 2013 through June 2020, Apple said it turned over the contents of iCloud accounts to U.S. authorities in 10,781 separate cases.

Chinese officials say their cybersecurity law is intended to protect Chinese residents’ data from foreign governments. People close to Apple suggested that the Chinese authorities often don’t need Apple’s data, and thus demand it less often, because they already surveil their citizens in myriad other ways.

But the iCloud data in China is vulnerable to the Chinese government because Apple made a series of compromises to meet the authorities’ demands, according to dozens of pages of internal Apple documents on the planned design and security of the Chinese iCloud system, which were reviewed for The Times by an Apple engineer and four independent security researchers.

The documents show that GCBD employees would have physical control over the servers, while Apple employees would largely monitor the operation from outside the country. The security experts said that arrangement alone represented a threat that no engineer could solve.

“Chinese intelligence has physical control over your hardware — that’s basically a threat level you can’t let it get to,” said Matthew D. Green, a cryptography professor at Johns Hopkins University.

The documents also show that Apple is using different encryption technology in China than elsewhere in the world, contradicting what Mr. Cook suggested in a 2018 interview.

The digital keys that can decrypt iCloud data are usually stored on specialized devices, called hardware security modules, that are made by Thales, a French technology company. But China would not approve the use of the Thales devices, according to two employees. So Apple created new devices to store the keys in China.

The documents, from early 2020, indicated that Apple had planned to base the new devices on an older version of iOS, the software underpinning iPhones, which is among the most targeted systems by hackers. Apple also planned to use low-cost hardware originally designed for the Apple TV. That alarmed the security researchers.

But Apple said that the documents included outdated information and that its Chinese data centers “feature our very latest and most sophisticated protections,” which would eventually be used in other countries.

ImagePeople waiting in line last year for the opening of a new Apple Store in Beijing. The company earns a fifth of its revenue in the China region.Credit...Kevin Frayer/Getty Images

“The Chinese are serial iPhone breakers,” said Ross J. Anderson, a University of Cambridge cybersecurity researcher who reviewed the documents. “I’m convinced that they will have the ability to break into the servers.”

Apple has tried to isolate the Chinese servers from the rest of its iCloud network, according to the documents. The Chinese network would be “established, managed, and monitored separately from all other networks, with no means of traversing to other networks out of country.” Two Apple engineers said the measure was to prevent security breaches in China from spreading to the rest of Apple’s data centers.

Apple said that it sequestered the Chinese data centers because they are, in effect, owned by the Chinese government, and Apple keeps all third parties disconnected from its internal network.

In Cupertino, Calif., Apple engineers have been racing to finish designs for the new Chinese iCloud. In a presentation to some engineers last year, according to slides viewed by The Times, managers made clear that the stakes were high.

“There will be immense pressure to get it done. We agreed to this timeline three years ago,” said one slide. “Important people put their reputations on the line. iCloud needs influential friends in China.”

In early 2018, Guo Wengui, an exiled Chinese billionaire, was spending much of his time in Manhattan trying to broadcast his claims of corruption inside the Communist Party. His latest effort was an iPhone app in China that delivered those claims.

Before his app even became available on iPhones, the Chinese government was trying to block it. Shortly after Mr. Guo applied to the App Store, the Cyberspace Administration of China, the government’s internet regulator, told Apple it wanted the app rejected. It was unclear how the officials knew about it.

Those events and the chain reaction they set off inside Apple were laid out in court documents last week in a wrongful-termination case against the company. The documents and interviews shine a light on a bureaucracy inside Apple designed to censor and block apps, often proactively, to appease the Chinese government.

On Feb. 4, 2018, shortly after the Chinese authorities demanded that Mr. Guo’s app be rejected, an Apple manager emailed a colleague with a question: Did Mr. Guo belong on Apple’s “China sensitivities list,” along with the likes of Falun Gong — the Chinese spiritual movement — and the Dalai Lama?

The colleague replied that Mr. Guo probably should be on the list, given that he had been spreading unverifiable defamatory stories about Chinese officials. She suggested that the question be elevated to Apple’s “executive review board,” a group of executives who decide the trickiest App Store issues, including top deputies to Mr. Cook.

Two weeks later, the board said Mr. Guo belonged on Apple’s China blacklist. Apple employees added his name to the company’s internal “Chinese App Store Removal wiki page,” according to the documents, as well as a software program that would automatically tag any apps that mentioned him.

ImageGuo Wengui, an exiled critic of China’s government, in 2017. Apple said it had removed his iPhone app in China because it had determined it was illegal there.Credit...James Estrin/The New York Times

Six months later, Mr. Guo submitted his app again, with changes to elude Apple’s software. Trieu Pham, an app reviewer in Cupertino, was assigned the app. He didn’t find anything that violated Apple’s rules. On Aug. 2, he approved it.

Three weeks later, Trystan Kosmynka, Apple’s app review chief, sent an email to several managers at 2:32 a.m. The subject line was “Hot: Guo.” The Chinese government had spotted Mr. Guo’s new app, and Mr. Kosmynka wanted to know how it had gotten published.

“This app and any Guo Wengui app cannot be on the China store,” he wrote, according to the emails filed in the court case. “Can we put the necessary pieces in place to prevent that ASAP.”

Apple pulled the app and began investigating. A resulting report said the app was published because the “China hide process was not followed,” according to court documents. It said that Mr. Pham, the app reviewer, should have sent the app to Apple’s Chinese language specialists, who had been trained on which topics to block in the Chinese App Store, including Mr. Guo.

When Apple managers questioned Mr. Pham, he told them the app didn’t violate any policies. The managers responded that the app criticized the Chinese government, Mr. Pham said in court documents, and that this was enough for rejection.

Apple said it removed Mr. Guo’s app in China because it had determined it was illegal there. Apple said it fired Mr. Pham because of poor performance.

Mr. Guo’s media outlets have a history of peddling misinformation. The exact nature of the apps in the 2018 case was unclear, though court documents said they discussed Chinese Communist Party corruption.

Phillip Shoemaker, who ran Apple’s App Store from 2009 to 2016, said in an interview that Apple lawyers in China gave his team a list of topics that couldn’t appear in apps in the country, including Tiananmen Square and independence for Tibet and Taiwan. He said Apple’s policy was matter-of-fact: If the lawyers believed a topic was off-limits in China, then Apple would remove it there.

On Chinese iPhones, Apple forbids apps about the Dalai Lama while hosting those from the Chinese paramilitary group accused of detaining and abusing Uyghurs, an ethnic minority group in China.

The company has also helped China spread its view of the world. Chinese iPhones censor the emoji of the Taiwanese flag, and their maps suggest Taiwan is part of China. For a time, simply typing the word “Taiwan”could make an iPhone crash, according to Patrick Wardle, a former hacker at the National Security Agency.

Sometimes, Mr. Shoemaker said, he was awakened in the middle of the night with demands from the Chinese government to remove an app. If the app appeared to mention the banned topics, he would remove it, but he would send more complicated cases to senior executives, including Mr. Cue and Mr. Schiller.

Apple resisted an order from the Chinese government in 2012 to remove The Times’s apps. But five years later, it ultimately did. Mr. Cook approved the decision, according to two people with knowledge of the matter who spoke on the condition of anonymity.

Apple recently began disclosing how often governments demand that it remove apps. In the two years ending June 2020, the most recent data available, Apple said it approved 91 percent of the Chinese government’s app-takedown requests, removing 1,217 apps.

In every other country combined over that period, Apple approved 40 percent of requests, removing 253 apps. Apple said that most of the apps it removed for the Chinese government were related to gambling or pornography or were operating without a government license, such as loan services and livestreaming apps.

Yet a Times analysis of Chinese app data suggests those disclosures represent a fraction of the apps that Apple has blocked in China. Since 2017, roughly 55,000 active apps have disappeared from Apple’s App Store in China, according to a Times analysis of data compiled by Sensor Tower, an app data firm. Most of those apps have remained available in other countries.

Note: Includes apps that were active at their time of removal (i.e. were updated less than a year before leaving the Chinese iOS store) and have not returned as of March 11, 2021.

More than 35,000 of those apps were games, which in China must get approval from regulators. The remaining 20,000 cut across a wide range of categories. Apps that mapped users’ runs, edited selfies or taught sexual positions were removed. So were apps that allowed users to message privately, share documents and browse websites the Chinese government had blocked. More than 600 news apps also disappeared.

Apple disputed those figures, saying that some developers remove their own apps from China. Apple said that since 2017, it had taken down 70 news apps in response to Chinese government demands.

The discrepancy between Apple’s disclosures and the Times analysis is in part because Apple is removing apps before China’s internet censors even complain. Apple does not disclose such takedowns in its statistics.

Mr. Shoemaker said he and his team rationalized removing apps by framing them as simply enforcing a country’s laws. Similar steps were taken in places like Saudi Arabia and Russia, he said. “At the same time, we didn’t want to get hauled up in front of the Senate to talk about why we’re quote ‘censoring apps in China,’” he said. “It was a tightrope we had to walk.”

President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia said on Thursday that Moscow understood that China had “questions and concerns” about the war in Ukraine — a notable, if cryptic, admission from Mr. Putin that Beijing may not fully approve of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

And his Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping — in his first face-to-face meeting with Mr. Putin since the invasion began — struck a far more subdued tone than the Russian president, and steered clear in his public comments of any mention of Ukraine at all.

Taken together, the remarks were a stark sign that Russia lacks the full backing of its most powerful international partner as it tries to recover from a humiliating rout in northeastern Ukraine last week.

The two authoritarian leaders met during a summit in Uzbekistan that was meant to signal the strength of the relationship between the countries at a time of increasing animosity with the West and challenges to their agendas. The meeting was particularly important to Mr. Putin, who has become more isolated by the United States and its allies over his invasion of Ukraine.

“We highly appreciate the balanced position of our Chinese friends in connection with the Ukrainian crisis,” Mr. Putin said in televised remarks at the start of the meeting. “We understand your questions and concerns in this regard. During today’s meeting, of course, we will explain in detail our position on this issue, although we have spoken about this before.”

While Chinese officials have offered some lip service in recent months to Russia’s message that the war in Ukraine was the West’s fault, Mr. Xi did not repeat any of those lines in his televised comments. He carefully avoided offering any endorsement of specific Russian policies, instead offering generalities about China’s and Russia’s view of the world.

After the meeting, China released a statement saying that it was “ready to work with Russia in extending strong support to each other on issues concerning their respective core interests.”

It was a strikingly different tone from Mr. Xi than in early February, before the invasion. The two countries issued a joint statement before the start of the Winter Olympics in Beijing describing their partnership as having “no limits.”

The lukewarm Chinese support leaves Mr. Putin in an increasingly difficult spot as the invasion approaches the seven-month mark and he faces increasing criticism inside Russia about how he is conducting the war.

Sergey Radchenko, a professor at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, said Mr. Putin “has severely undercut his leverage with China” by cutting himself off from the West.

In contrast with Mr. Xi’s circumspect remarks, Mr. Putin railed against the “unipolar,” American-led world order that he sees Beijing and Moscow aligned against.

“We jointly stand for the formation of a just, democratic and multipolar world order based on international law and the central role of the U.N., and not on some rules that someone has come up with and is trying to impose on others, without even explaining what it’s about,” Mr. Putin told Mr. Xi.

Asked about the summit meeting at a news conference on Thursday, a State Department spokesman, Ned Price, said it was “not surprising” that China had concerns about the war.

China has been a crucial trade partner for Russia in the months since the invasion began and Western nations turned their backs. China has increased its exports of some goods to Russia, and it bought record levels of Russian oil in May, June and July.

But China has done little to help circumvent Western sanctions that prevent Russia from importing advanced Western technology. It also appears to have refrained so far this year from shipping weapons to Russia, forcing Moscow to ask Iran and North Korea for military equipment.

Mr. Putin and Mr. Xi met on the sidelines of a summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a multilateral, security-focused organization that includes China, Russia, India, Pakistan and four Central Asian nations. For Mr. Xi, the gathering was a chance to resume his role as a global statesman. It was his first trip abroad since he went to Myanmar in January 2020.

OnJuly 14, 2022, Independent Online (IOL) of South Africa carried an article by Consul General Fei Mingxing entitled "Dynamic zero-COVID: a MUST approach for China".

Coming back from my annual leave from China recently, I have been frequently asked about China’s approach of containing COVID-19. Based on my personal experience and observation, the dynamic zero-COVID policy is a MUST for China.

The Communist Party of China (CPC) has always been putting people"s well-being in paramount position throughout its history. Chinese Communists are willing to sacrifice everything, including their lives, for the interests of the people.

Facing the ravaging pandemic, the CPC gave top priority to protecting people"s life and health.Its members have acted as the vanguard. More than 39 million of them fought the virus at the front line, and more than 13 millionvolunteered their services. Nearly 400 members have defended others" lives and safety at the cost of their own.

China"s zero-COVID strategy protects people’s lives.Both the infection rate and mortality rate in China are the lowest in the world.China could face 1.55 million COVID-19 deaths if it abandoned the current dynamic zero-COVID policy, according to a new study published in Nature Medicine recently.

I saw Beijing taking strict control and prevention measures and conducting several rounds of mass nucleic acid testing in targeted areas to curb the COVID-19 outbreak in May.

People presented a negative result within 48 hours of taking a nucleic acid testto enter public places. Restaurants suspended dine-in services and instead offered food delivery for customers in controlled areas where cases were found. Individuals either served as residential community working staff, medical staff, volunteers or participants of mass nucleic acid testing. Nucleic acid tests were easy accessible to citizens within walking distance.

Early 2020, China rallied 346 national medical teams, consisting of 42,600 medical workers and more than 900 public health professionals to the immediate aid of Hubei and the city of Wuhan.

When Shanghai battled COVID-19 this year, its neighboring province Zh